The events of July 25th, that brought about the
fall of Mussolini and Fascism were no improvisation, nor
were they influenced by any popular movement or inter-
vention of the anti-fascist parties which were to appear on the political
scene only after July 25th. Our action, long meditated and prepared, was
the consequence of an attitude maintained for twenty years in front of
Mussolini and his supporters.
As you perhaps remember, I was dismissed in July 1932,
as Minister for Foreign Affairs, immediately after a speech I made at
Geneva, when, unhesitatingly and alone among all foreign representatives
at the Disarmament Conference, I accepted fully and inconditionally for
Italy, and on my personal responsibility, the plan proposed by the
President of the United States for disarmament and general peace. I
thought in fact that that was the last chance offered by the United States
to the Nations of the world to join willingly their forces, and put into
operations those high principles of international peace and cooperation
which would have spared to the world the danger of a war. A few months
before (January 1932), I had succeeded in opposing a meeting between the
Italian Prime Minister and Herr Hitler, head of the new and already strong
Nazi movement in Germany.
The swift rise of the Nazi movement in Germany made Mussolini think that
the time was ripe for getting rid of me, and with me of the policy he had
tolerated but never shared. So my dismissal came at the very moment when I
was reaching with M. Herriot (head of the merely-formed radico-socialist
Government in France) the full understanding for which I had worked so
hard and which was to remove once and for all the age-old difficulties
between France and Italy. Mussolini disavowed the action taken by me at
Geneva and sent me as Ambassador to London, resuming himself the full
control of the Italian foreign policy. The Italian coBperation with the
other fellow-members of the League of Nations was practically interrupted
at that time, the anti-Geneva attitude reasserted itself once more, and
the Italian policy followed more and more the German pattern
During my seven years in London as Italian Ambassador, whenever official
duties compelled me to act according to distasteful instructions, I always
did my best follow them in such a way as not to endanger the policy of
close collaboration and friendship with Great Britain and full indipendence
of Germany. Very often, however, I had to run counter those instructions.
During the Abissynian war I made every effort in order to avoid a
final split between Great Britain and Italy, and afterwards to reach
(April 1938) that Gentlemen's Agreement which secured the withdrawal of
Italian volunteers from Spain, and should have meant a new start in the
Italian foreign policy. It gratifies me to remember that the British Prime
Minister gave me credit in the House of Commons for all the work done in
order to reach the agreement, and to assure the restauration of the old
friendly
relations