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especially as he is trying to migrate to some other nation. He will not
only lose nine-tenths of the money he would get for the house, but he
will also lose more than nine-tenths of the bank of which he has been
president for a long time and which his family has managed for over 100
years. If our next Ambassador could rent the house and pay him American
dollars in London, he would at least be able to support his family. I
can hardly doubt that the Department would be willing to have this done
if the Ambassador wished to cooperate.
 
 
 When I discussed with you the appointment of Professor James T.
Shotwell, I had two objectives in mind. One of them was that he
understood European affairs, as revealed in his exceedingly interesting
volumes, better than almost any man in our country. I thought,
therefore, that his appointment would not only interest you, but that
even the service men in the Department would not be able to make any
serious objection. The other reason I acted upon is that Shotwell is so
well and favorably known all over the United States, especially in the
greater university circles, that it would be an advantage to appoint
him. I had noticed how frequently he had lectured to large audiences
throughout the country, and had also noticed that he approved almost
everything you have endeavored to do for our democratic cause. It
seemed to me, therefore, that his appointment would add very
considerable influence to your regime. Nothing seems more necessary in
the United States than to have our universities appreciate the real
problems before us, especially in international affairs. I mention this
again to you because I feel considerably disappointed. There is no
other post in Europe where Shotwell could render such a good service.
I have the feeling that somebody in the Department has made positive
opposition to such an appointment.