Text Version


                                                            
                                                            
 
 
      Sir R. Lindsay (Washington) to Viscount Halifax       
 
               (Received September 20, 10.40 a.m.)          
 
                No. 349 Telegraphic [A 7504/64/45!          
 
            Washington, September 20, 1938, 2.30 a.m.       
 
                                                            
 
 
1. The President telephoned to me himself this afternoon to 
      call on him at the White House in the evening, and I had a long 
                          conversation.                     
 
                                                            
 
 
He emphasized the necessity of absolute secrecy. Nobody must 
      know I had seen him and he himself would tell nobody of the interview. 
            I gathered not even the State Department,       
 
                                                            
 
 
2. He said the Anglo-French note to Czechoslovak Government1 
      was the most terrible remorseless sacrifice that had even been 
      demanded of a State. It would provoke a highly unfavorable reaction 
      in America. He himself was not disposed to blame the French or 
      British Governments whose difficulties he completely understood. 
      He spoke in a most friendly and appreciative manner of the Prime 
      Minister's policy and efforts for peace. If the policy now embarked 
      on proved successful he would be the first to cheer. He would 
      like to do or say something to help it but was at a loss to know 
      what. He had no illusions as to the effect in Europe of his previous 
      public statements. Today he would not dare to express approval 
      of the recommendations put to the Czecholoslovak Government. 
      He would be afraid to express disapproval of German aggression 
      lest it might encourage Czechoslovakia to vein resistance. He 
      thus felt unable to do anything and thought at his press conference 
      tomorrow (he has postponed the last two) he Would confine himself 
             to refusing to make any comment at all.        
 
                                                            
 
 
3. As to the immediate future the first possible case he would 
      deal with was that Czechoslovak Government should acquiesce, 
      but that he regarded as virtually impossible. They would fight 
      and his general staff told him they would be overrun in three 
      weeks. Hungary and Poland would join in the pillage. And even 
      if Czechoslovakia did acquiesce in the demands made, would Germany 
      res %t there? Had Herr Hitler given any pledges to the Prime Minister 
      as to the future? He was sure that other demands would follow 
      elsewhere: Denmark, the Corridor or most likely of all a dangerous 
  and forcible economic or physical penetration through Roma
 
                                                            
 
 
4. The second case that he examined was that the present policy 
      failing the Western Powers would find themselves at war with 
      Germany and probably Italy sooner or later, but as he thought 
      sooner. In this case, in his opinion, even if Great Britain and 
      France and Russia were fighting loyally together they would be 
      beaten if they tried to wage war on classical lines of attack. 
They would suffer terrific causalities and would never get t
 
                                                            
 
 
5. He therefore came to the third case. This is the very secret 
      part of his communication and it must not be known to anyone 
      that he has even breathed a suggestion. If it transpired he would 
most be impeached and the suggestion would be hopelessly pre
 
                                                            
 
 
1. See Volume II of this Series, No. 937. 
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