would be to ask you to look back upon a similar complex,
namely the French Revolution.
The French Revolution was in large measure the translation into the field
of politics of a system of ideas which philosophers and scientists had
developed over the whole of the previous century. It was the outcome of the
rationalist individualism of Locke~and Rousseau, of Voltaire and Franklin,
a revolt against religious and political traditionalism and authoritarianism
, an assertion of the right of the individual to think, say and do as he
liked, and of the equal rights of all individuals in that respect. In the
course of the actual revolution violence grew, gangsters and fanatical
theorists got the upper hand, and every kind of appalling atrocity was
committed. Finally the intensified national momentum generated by the
revolution was turned by Napoleon into the channel of those aggressive
military ambitions which had dominated French policy for nearly a century.
Napoleon had cleared out the gangsters, and had to be got rid of in turn
as a menace to the peace of Europe. But in the end, a great deal of the
underlying thought of the revolution, .purged of its more extreme features,
became the commonplace of European Liberalism, and indeed corresponded
very largely to, while it also influenced, the Liberalism of this country
and of the United States.
Germany also has gone through a revolution, a particular version of a world-
wide movement which, like the underlying ideas of the French Revmlution, has
been based on the philosophic and scientific thought of the last century,
and has taken its peculiar shape in the German-setting. In the particular
case of Germany, Hitler and his associates have doubled the role of
Napoleon on the one hand, and men like Robespierre and Marat on the other.
Also the general underlying' thought of the revolution has been heavily
coloured by the particular militarist tradition of Prussia, and by the
theory preached for a couple of generations, of the peculiar claims of the
n race to pre-eminence and mastery over inferior Slavs and L
But to come back to the underlying ideas of the German or I would rather
say Continental revolution. The whole thought of the Nineteenth Century,
beginning with the conception of ev. olution, the approach to problems on
the biological side, the more careful study of history, have all shaken
the conception of the purely rational individual.
They have taught us that man is inevitably a creature of instincts and
tradition, and these in their turn are particular to his particular
national and racial environment. They ho~ve taught us that man is not a
wholly self-contained individual, but part of some community which is in
itself in a measure a