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not be directly involved--the United States would play its full part in cooperating towards two 
 
fundamental needs of a sane and ordered world--limitation and reduction of armaments and the 
 
establishment of a sound international trade relationship. If such bases could still be found, was it 
 
not worth every effort; to seek the way of peace before the war of devastation commenced, and 
 
before the doors to peace were closed? I spoke, I said, only of a just peace, a peace which
 
promised stability and security for the future. Personally, I said, I could not conceive of a lasting 
 
and real peace unless it envisaged as an essential component part a united, prosperous and 
 
contented German people, a German people satisfied with their own domain and their own 
 
security; but at the same time I could conceive of no lasting or real peace unless as an equally 
 
important factor Germany no longer was regarded by her neighbors as a threat to their 
 
independence or to their security, and unless Germany made it evident that she was, in fact, not 
 
striving for constantly increasing objectives--and objectives which implied aggression and a threat 
 
to the rights of free peoples.
 
          The Chancellor knew, I said, that I had had the privilege of speaking with the Duce in 
 
Rome. That conversation, the Chancellor would appreciate, I must retain in complete confidence, 
 
but I felt at liberty to say that I had happily gained the impression from that conversation that the 
 
Duce believed the foundations of a Jjst and lasting peace might still be laid. I hoped the 
 
Chancellor would find it possible to confirm that impression. I would be mbst grateful for any 
 
views he felt able to express.
 
     The