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delivered addresses of a similar character, giving like
 
assurance to the German people that the latter's inde-
 
pendence and integrity were not assailed by the Allied Powers .
 
I replied that of course I had read these addresses with
 
the most careful attention. I added that I wondered if
 
Mr. Chamberlain fully realized how these addresses had
 
appeared in Germany. I asked if he had time to study the
 
reports his Government undoubtedly received on the German
 
press and of the German radio. I said that it had seemed
 
to me that while I was in Berlin, and reading the German
 
press, and listening once or twice to the German radio, as
 
if the very addresses to which he had referred had been so 
 
interpreted to the German people as to make them believe 
 
that the very words he had intended to use in order to make 
 
clear that the fate of the German Reich and off the German 
 
people was not at stake, were a direct threat to the safety 
 
and unity of the German nation. In countries like Great 
 
Britain and the United States it was difficult to grasp how 
 
complete was the black-out in Germany of the power of
 
the individual to comprehend what was going on in the
 
rest of the world, and in paricular  what the declared
 
and official policies of Germany's antagonists might be.
 
     I said that I had gained the impression- perhaps
 
erroneous, because my stay in Germany had been so short-
 
that the German people today really believed that their
 
own life as a nation was at stake, and that at least some
 
of the rulers of Germany had so identified in their own
 
minds the fate of Germany with the fate of the Nazi regime,
 
as to give them the same conviction.
 
     Mr. Chamberlain did not reply for a minute or two. He
 
                                               then