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                          PERSONAL                          
 
                      August 19, 1944.                      
 
                                                            
 
 
Your ready response to my letter regarding terms to be imposed upon   
Germany- and I repeat "imposed"- quite agrees with my not only recent but   
continued conviction that there should be no armistice, no conference in   
the first instance; in other words, that we pass from active warfare to   
military occupation which should disarm and render innocuous the war   
potential fo Germany as a whole.  And not only that, but under one concept   
of control or another to continue for an indefinite future to inspect that   
German productive equipment so that war materials cannot be produced   
without Allied knowledge, and that facilities be organized so that if   
peaceful methods of suppression are not effetive, forceful measures may be   
employed in the earliest stages, preventing dangerous developments and   
                       consequences.                        
 
                                                            
 
 
This idea in its last feature seems at variance with your own remarks   
regarding the scope of authority of an international organization for the   
preservation of peace.  I am convinced that unless some provision is made   
for continued inspecion- with facilities for enfocement when necessary-   
all plans to preserve peace will fail.  My own original conception   
regarding the partitioning  of Germany has undergone considerable change   
during the past several years due, perhaps, to taking a longer view of the   
future, and probaly because at home I, with Sumner Welles, were almost   
alone in insisting upon a three-region partition of Germany.  Fear of   
creating Irredenta in furture was the moving impluse behind the opposing   
arguments.  Then too, the idea seems in the final analysis to be in   
opposition to the second project discussed, i.e., a Federal Union of   
European States.  My own earliest approach which I likewise defended was   
like your own: that there could be no European political security without   
economic collaboration, and that the foundation of the former rested upon   
                the stability of the latter.                
 
                                                            
 
 
Some of us here struggled long and faithfully with a plan for an   
n  European Union as a buffer between Russia and Germany.  W