the authority of Petain against all attacks, and may be responsible for the
recent growth in monarchist propaganda which has been noticeable in
unoccupied France. Until a few months ago, propaganda for a restoration
was of no importance at all, and even absurd, but lately it has grown
sufficiently to be taken into account, and it may well be that the Vatican
sees a possible solution in this direction. It is worth noticing that
both Laval and Deat have commented upon, and strongly opposed, this
tendency, which shows that it really is serious and that Germany does
not like it. Twin sons have recently been born to the Count and
Countess of Paris. These are the first hereditary Princes of France
to be born in the Colonial Empire. They were christened on July 26th
in the Cathedral of Rabat. General Nogues was represented and the
Apostolic Vicar of Morocco officiated. He congratulated the Count
and Countess on having chosen representatives from workers and
peasant families as godparents for their two sons, and hoped that
this would strengthen an alliance between the monarchy and the
people. He read the Pope's apostolic benediction. When the
company left the church, the assembled crowd shouted "vive le roi".
Commenting upon this ceremony, the newspaper, Progres de Fez,
declared "At a time when our nation, bowed beneath a cruel lot,
seeks the paths of.its own future, how can we not note on the
Moroccan seaboard, the young chief, yesterday a plain soldier in
the Legion, who has aimed at linking himself again with the French
race' by offering it a double example, that of the large family and
of the return to the people as a true son of St. Louis. In the
midst of a stricken people you are a son of our race, and your
little Moroccan twins are still, in these years of distress, a
presage of the return of memorable days in the greater France
in the Empire. What will be the Government of France to-morrow,
we do not know. Many Frenchmen are thinking of a restoration of
the monarchy. Why not?"
In Le Jour, another significant comment appeared: "Where can
we find a finer hope in the future, a more splendid guarantee
against unjust assaults of the future than in this family that
is the depository of our greatest traditions?" Quite a number
of newspapers are beginning to show Royalist leanings. This can
be seen in Figaro, Journal de Debats, Le Journal, and before
its suspension, Candide, as well as in some of the local papers
like the Roussillon of Perpignan, and Eclair of Montpellier.
These are not the only straws which show the way the wind tends
o blow. One thing seems clear--the Pope favors the whole thing,
and is extremely anxious for France to find a solution of its
nternal crisis on lines which will make for better relations
with Britain and America. and at the same time preserve Catholic
interests.
Spain presents another anxious problem, for here, too, the Vatican
supports a government in which very powerful factions are opposed
to British and American policy. and are sympathetic to Germany and
Italy. The Vatican has an almost vital interest in General
Franco's Spain. In this case, the Pope holds that his supporters,
justified by the fact that General Franco has until now refused to
be browbeaten by Hitler, and that the mass of the Spanish people,
if not pro-British, is, at least, thoroughly antiGerman. The
Pontiff is an extremely astute politician with wide experience
of diplomacy and an intimate knowledge of world affairs. As
Cardinal Secretary of State, he received and made.friends
with many of the leading figures in world politics. He knows
many countries intimately, and no one is better acquainted
with American politics than he. His recent conversations
with Mr. Myron C. Taylor have been of special significance,
and undoubtedly bear a relationship to'the complicated
associations in which the Vatican is now involved, as well as
to the more precise questions of the war, its progress, and its
implications. We have reason for thinking that in his conversations
with Mr. Taylor the Pope said his position would be easier and that
he could help the Allies more in their struggle against the evil
forces, if we would take very careful account of Catholic feelings
over certain special political questions which are regarded as vital.
We believe he made it clear that this was a pressing matter, and that
he thought it affected not only European, but also American and Irish
Catholic policy. It is becoming clear that some, even many, of the
forces hostile to Hitler and now stirring trouble in Europe are Catholic.
Whether this opposition develops into something really valuable and
effective must largely depend upon the way in which the Pope ultimately
uses his influence. If he adopts a passive policy in the political
sphere, it is highly probable that European Catholics and the Vatican
will have an enormous amount of sympathy in the new
and be a potent force. The result would be a loosening of the ties
between European Catholicism and lhe outside world with a consequent
weakening of the Church in the face of a growing challenge from the Nazi
revolution. If, on the other hand, the Pope chooses an activist policy,
it means that a large number of nominal European Catholics will fall away
as soon as things, become too difficult, but that the ones will create an opposition to Hitler of first importalwe. It m ~ht lead 1o the I'ope being forced
leave Italy, and even Europe. English and American Catholics would thus
gain an
11