-6-
 
      
 
 
pushed to its logical conclusion, came perilously near to 
      incitement refusal of military service. In it appeared in fact 
      the same type of argument that was last seen in this country 
      in the days of Lord Carson and "Galloper Smith" -- 
      the first overt hint that the "Fifth Column" is prepared 
      actually to urge people not to serve in the armed forces except 
      in support of its own policies. It was a minor straw in the wind, 
      but appearing where it did, an important one, and one which, 
      if it had come from another quarter -- for instance a Trade Union 
      leader -- would certainly have been denounced by The Times in 
      no uncertain terms.
 
      
 
 
London (and perhaps Washington) was becoming increasingly 
      puzzled this week by the "mystery of Mr. Kennedy" -- 
      and still more, by the mystery of why Mr. Roosevelt maintains 
      Mr. Kennedy in the post of Ambassador to Great Britain. His role 
      has been and still is of very much greater importance in its 
      effects on both sides of the Atlantic, than the general public 
      supposes.
 
      
 
 
Before his recent trip to Washington, Mr. Kennedy was already 
      well known in both capitals as an "appeaser" of the 
      first water. He was the principal apologist for Mr. Chamberlain 
      in Washington, and at the same time was known to be informing 
      Mr. Chamberlain that in reality American opinion --serious American 
      opinion -- so far from being hostile to Munichism, was really 
      supporting it and that therefore Mr. Chamberlain did not really 
      need to worry about the apparent outbursts of indignation from 
      the other side, regardless of the quarter from which they came.
 
 
      Mr. Kennedy, whose relations with certain representatives of 
      General France were common knowledge, played a particularly important 
      part in the politics of non-Intervention", and was actively 
      engaged in supporting, from his strategically very strong position, 
      the policy which resulted in the great break through of the Axis 
      in Spain. His trip to Washington w %as, as everyone expected, the 
      occasion of a very severe dressing down by the President. But 
      the mystery began when Mr. Kennedy, instead of being sent on 
      holiday, after all returned to London as Ambassador. For since 
      his return, his activities have become more remarkable than ever. 
      He has for instance gone to the length of informing members of 
      the British Government that they "need not worry" about 
      anything that Mr. Roosevelt may say, for the reason that
 
      
 
 
(1) "It will be my friends that' are in the White House 
      in 1940.
 
      
 
 
(2) "Roosevelt is run by the Jews and all the anti-fascist 
      sentiment in the United States is really created by the Jews, 
      who control the press".
 
      
 
 
The bland assurance with which Mr. Kennedy circulates these 
      staggering opinions about the Government which he is after all 
      supposed to represent, have occasioned some considerable eyebrow 
      lifting even among those --in the "appeasement" camp 
      -- who find them very useful.
 
      
 
 
There have in fact been several occasions during the past 
      three or four weeks, on which the opinions of the American Ambassador 
      have been not merely quoted but decisively used at British Cabinet 
      meetings, when the suggestion has been made that the continued 
      signs of "appeasement", and above all the Federation 
      of British Industries Agreement with the German Government, are 
      producing a disastrous effect upon the other side of the Atlantic. 
      To those who try to suggest that the American Ambassador -- a 
      wealthy Catholic speculator -- is probably not representative 
      at all of American opinion, and is playing a game of his own, 
      the retort is made: If that is so, why does he remain Ambassador?
 
      
 
 
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